Technology has proved to be a double-edged sword, especially in the context of violence against women and girls (VAWG).

The National Cybercrime Reporting Portal (NCRP) reported a 118.4% rise in online crimes (22,188 in 2020 to 48,475 in 2024) against women, under four major categories: online child sexual abuse and exploitation, gang rape and sexual abuse online content, sexually explicit acts, and sexually obscene material.

As per National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), 14,409 cases were registered in 2022, only a fraction of the true scale of such crimes in India. At the same time, technology-driven tools like NCRP have improved collection of data and reporting of crimes, while the Sahyog Portal, with anonymous reporting, enables law enforcement to receive information from intermediaries.

The pace at which technology is transforming, causing virtual rape on the internet to AI and deep fakes to dark web transactions – now the pressing question is, “Are the current laws and institutions equipped”?

In the Indian Context, the Bharatiya Nyaya Samhita 2024, the IT Act 2008, and the POCSO Act have provisions for offences like online sexual harassment, stalking, voyeurism, transmitting sexually explicit material, etc. The IT Rules, 2021, mandates the intermediaries to take down non-consensual images within 24 hours of a complaint being raised.

Apart from laws, institutional mechanisms are also in place to combat online VAWG in India, both at the centre and states. From I4C, 1930 helpline, cyber forensic laboratories, MOOC platform for capacity building of law enforcement agencies, cyber cell and cyber police stations in states, systems are in place.

States have innovative models like Kerala’s CyberDome (PPP model), Pol App and Counter Child Sexual Exploitation Cell, Women Safety Wing with Cyber Module in Telangana. However, the capacity to use existing mechanisms effectively and adopt innovative solutions to combat online VAWG varies widely across states.

How does the US respond to online VAWG?

In the US, 48 states have Revenge Porn laws with civil and criminal remedies, allowing victims to receive damages as well as convict the perpetrator with imprisonment and fines. Cyberstalking is explicitly recognised under 18 U.S.C. § 2261A, giving the FBI jurisdiction across states. Some states also allow protective orders in cyber harassment cases.

While safe harbour to digital intermediaries is provided under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act (1996), the FOSTA-SESTA (Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act) legislation (2018) introduced exceptions for platforms knowingly hosting sex-trafficking content, allowing victims to sue website owners.

Institutionally, the US has similar mechanisms like India, the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Centre (IC3), Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) Task Forces, and CyberCrime Units in states. The federal grants through VAWA (Violence Against Women Act) and OVM (Office on Violence Against Women) support these initiatives. Most of the victim support and helpline infrastructure for online crimes is further strengthened  by civil society organisations working in collaboration with the government.

In the US, the PPP model has proven effective in strengthening the justice delivery system by leveraging advanced tech support from start-up companies and universities that are into developing deepfake detection tools and the like. The National Institute of Justice awards grants to universities to develop deepfake detection tools.

The Youth Programs under the Department of Justice have components on cyberbullying prevention, grants to schools and community organisations to educate boys to change attitudes and to empower girls online. The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) has also funded pilot projects to support cybercrime victims, including the development of a toolkit to help victim advocates address image-based abuse.

Where is India Lagging Behind?

As cyber crimes against women evolve with new forms, the existing laws in India are not effective in ensuring the conviction of the perpetrators. The implementation of the laws has also been patchy by overly generic provisions and the shortage of cyber forensic laboratories and other facilities.

Firstly, revenge porn, deep fakes, online doxxing, etc. don’t have standalone legal provisions in the law. Secondly, in cross-border online crimes, limited expertise and resources hinder timely intervention leading to financial losses and delayed prosecution. The effectiveness of Mutual Legal Assistance treaties are in question, as state police must route requests through the Ministry of Home Affairs under MLAT, the process taking one to two years, giving perpetrators ample time to disappear.

Thirdly, Section 79 of IT Act acts as a safe harbour for digital intermediaries, resulting in a lack of proactive monitoring of content posted online. Fourthly, there are no clear guidelines for AI-generated content. Fifthly, there are no robust victim compensation or online restraining orders for cyber harassment. Lastly, the lack of enforcement of the Data Protection Law has exacerbated the situation.

Lesson to Adapt

While Indian laws and institutional mechanisms are generic, the US has adopted specific legislation and targeted institutions. India has to engage civil society organisations, conduct capacity building exercises across all government stakeholders and build quality institutions for combating tech-enabled VAWG crimes. The confidentiality of victims rather than anonymity has to be ensured through data protection laws and institutional frameworks.

A multi-sectoral approach involving start-ups, universities, and tech giants is essential to address the capacity gaps of the state. India being home to the largest internet population, creating awareness about the safety precautions against online abuse must have dedicated budget allocations and voluntary support from communities. As technology outpaces regulation, India must amend laws like the Domestic Violence Act, POCSO Act and enforce the long-delayed Digital India Bill to address emerging crimes with clear punishments and civil remedies.

Misogyny and lack of comprehensive sex education are a major lacuna often neglected, which needs urgent attention by all stakeholders, including Government. Policy initiatives such as the integration of Childline into 112 must be critically evaluated if it has been able to achieve the intended outcomes.


The article was originally published in The New Indian Express.

Anu Maria Francis is a Senior Associate, Research and Project Management, at the Centre for Public Policy (CPPR), Kochi, Kerala, India.

Views expressed by the authors are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of the Centre for Public Policy Research (CPPR).

Senior Associate, Research and Project Management at  |  + posts

Anu Maria Francis is an Associate, Research at Centre for Public Policy Research (CPPR). She completed her graduation in Law from National University of Advanced Legal Studies, Kochi. She has worked as UPSC exam trainer and mentor with many coaching institutions in Kerala. She has also interned with a couple of organisations like Kerala State Information Commission, ACTIONAID India, Ceat Tyres Ltd, Biocon Pharma Ltd, Khaitan and Co Law Firm etc. Her academic interests pertain to legal and governance issues and education. She also has experience in handling business ventures.

Anu Maria Francis
Anu Maria Francis
Anu Maria Francis is an Associate, Research at Centre for Public Policy Research (CPPR). She completed her graduation in Law from National University of Advanced Legal Studies, Kochi. She has worked as UPSC exam trainer and mentor with many coaching institutions in Kerala. She has also interned with a couple of organisations like Kerala State Information Commission, ACTIONAID India, Ceat Tyres Ltd, Biocon Pharma Ltd, Khaitan and Co Law Firm etc. Her academic interests pertain to legal and governance issues and education. She also has experience in handling business ventures.

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